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The United States government and its subject peoples think
of the US as “the world’s only superpower.” But how is a country a superpower
when its entire government and a majority of the subjects, especially those
members of evangelical churches, grovel at the feet of the Israeli Prime
Minister? How is a country a superpower when it lacks the power to determine
its own foreign policy in the Middle East? Such a country is not a superpower.
It is a puppet state.
In the past few days we have witnessed, yet again, the
“American superpower” groveling at Netanyahu’s feet. When Netanyahu decided to
again murder the Palestinian women and children of Gaza, to further destroy
what remains of the social infrastructure of the Gaza Ghetto, and to declare
Israeli war crimes and Israeli crimes against humanity to be merely the
exercise of “self-defense,” the U.S. Senate, the U.S. House of Representatives,
the White House, and the U.S. media all promptly declared their support for
Netanyahu’s crimes.
On November 16 the Congress of the “superpower,” both House
and Senate, passed overwhelmingly the resolutions written for them by AIPAC,
the Israel Lobby known as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the
only foreign agent that is not required to register as a foreign agent. The
Global News Service of the Jewish People reported their power over Washington
with pride. Both Democrats and Republicans shared the dishonor of serving
Israel and evil instead of America and justice for the Palestinians.
The White House quickly obeyed the summons from the Israel
Lobby. President Obama announced that he is “fully supportive” of Israel’s
assault on Gaza. Ben Rhodes, White House deputy national security adviser, told
the media on November 17 that the White House “wants the same thing as the
Israelis want.” This is an overstatement as many Israelis oppose the crimes of
the Israeli government, which is not the government of Israel but the
government of the “settlers,” that is, the crazed land-hungry immigrants who
are illegally, with Netanyahu’s support, stealing the lands of the
Palestinians.
Netanyahu’s Israel is the equivalent of the Lincoln
Republicans 150 years ago. Then there was no international law to protect
Southern states, who left the voluntary union, a right under the Constitution,
in order to avoid being exploited by Northern business interests. Subsequently,
the Union army, after devastating the South, turned on the American Indians,
and there was no international law to protect American Indians from being
murdered and dispossessed by Washington’s armies.
Washington claimed that its invasion forces were threatened
by the Indian’s bows and arrows. Today there is international law to protect
the Palestinian residents of the West Bank and Gaza. However, every time that
the world tries to hold the Israeli government accountable for its crimes,
Israel’s Washington puppet vetoes the UN decision.
Demonizing a victim is a way of hiding state crimes. The
American print and TV media is useless as a check on state crimes. The only
crimes reported by the media are assigned to “terrorists,” that is, those who
resist U.S. hegemony, and to Americans, such as Bradley Manning and Sibel
Edmonds, who liberate truth from official secrecy. Julian Assange of WikiLeaks
remains in danger despite the asylum granted to him by the President of
Ecuador, as Washington has little regard for international law.
In the U.S. the exercise of the First Amendment is coming to
be regarded as a crime against the state. The purpose of the media is no longer
to find the truth, but to protect official lies. Speaking the truth has
essentially disappeared as it is too costly to journalist who dare to do so. To
keep one’s job, one serves Washington and the private interest groups that
Washington serves.
In his November 19 defense of Israel’s latest war crimes,
President Obama said: “no country on earth would tolerate missiles raining down
from outside its borders.” But, of course, numerous countries do tolerate
missiles raining down from the U.S. The war criminal Obama is raining down missiles
in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Yemen, and has rained missiles on Libya, Somalia,
Iraq and Syria as well.
The German assault on the Warsaw Ghetto is one of the horror
stories of Jewish history. Such an event is happening again, only this time
Jews are perpetrators instead of victims. No hand has been raised to stay
Israel from the goal of the operation declared by Israeli Interior Minister Eli
Yishai to be “to send Gaza back to the Middle Ages.”
It’s not over for Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas). Not only is
the congressman still in the race for the Republican nomination for president,
but the longtime libertarian favorite is following through with his big plans
for the upcoming GOP convention.
Notwithstanding a presumptive party win for former
Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney, presidential hopeful Ron Paul is still
scheduled to be in Florida for the Republican National Convention next month in
Tampa. What’s more, USA Today reports, is that the people running the RNC are
finally ready to accept Rep. Paul and his throng of supporters.
Ron Paul supporters have previously reported that the
Republican Party establishment was going out of their way to keep an event in
honor of the Texas congressman — PaulFest — from being put on during the same
weekend of the RNC.
“They’ve been fighting us all along,” PaulFest
organizer Deborah Robinet told The Tampa Bay Times last month. “We’re
Republicans. Do they want to alienate us, or do they want to bring us into the
fold?”
After failing to win enough delegates during the recent
Nebraska State Convention, the GOP was expected to exclude Rep. Paul from
speaking at this year’s RNC. When the congressman was kept out of the 2008
event, a counter protest was staged outside. This time around Rep. Paul has
remained in the race longer than all other Republican Party candidates, except
Mitt Romney, and his campaign and crew of supporters insist on having him
represented. Only now, however, do organizers with the Ron Paul campaign say
that the RNC are dropping their fight and finally accepting the rest of the
party as their own.
"They've just treated us like a friend and like a
coalition," Jesse Benton, a spokesman for the Paul campaign, tells
USA Today. "They have been honest brokers in working with us and
treated us with respect."
Even if the congressman can’t get a full time slot to
speak at the RNC, the GOP is giving him access to the University of South
Florida’s Sun Dome, a decision that both sides say they were able to agree on
mutually.
"We have worked closely with Congressman Paul to
secure a location for this event," Kyle Downey, a spokesman
for the GOP convention, adds to USA Today. Only one month earlier, RNC
spokesman James Davis told the Associated Press that the GOP had received the
Paul campaign’s request for a venue but was “making those assignments on a
rolling basis." At the time, the Paul campaign complained that delays
on part of the RNC put PaulFest in jeopardy.
"Our success brings us some clout," Jesse Benton says of
the campaign’s victory.
The Russian president has called on NATO to clarify Moscow's role in a European missile system, warning if no agreement is reached, Russia will be forced to deploy “offensive” nuclear weapons.
"So this is not a joking matter. We expect from our NATO partners a direct and unambiguous answer," Dmitry Medvedev said during a meeting with Russia's NATO envoy Dmitry Rogozin.
"In either case, we are either together with NATO, or we separately find an adequate response to the existing problem," he said.
Under former US President George W. Bush the United States proposed a plan to deploy a missile system in Poland and the Czech Republic -- a plan which was fiercely opposed to by Russia. Moscow said it would deem such a deployment a threat to its sovereignty and would properly respond to it.
US President Barack Obama later scrapped the plan proposing Russia to join the missile system.
Russia and NATO agreed to cooperate on a joint missile system plan in Europe during a NATO-Russia Council meeting in Lisbon in November last year.
The parties agreed to formulate terms for cooperation on the missile system by June 2011.
"Either we agree to certain principles with NATO, or we fail to agree, and then in the future we are forced to adopt an entire series of unpleasant decisions concerning the deployment of an offensive nuclear missile group," Medvedev was quoted by AFP as saying.
China has announced sharp cuts in export quotas for rare earth minerals in the first half of the coming year, raising concerns about its trade ties with major partners.
The metal supplies, vitally needed for making a wide range of high-tech and clean technology products as well as other goods, will decline by 11 percent in 2011, in addition to the 40-percent drop in exports in 2010.
China's Commerce Ministry allotted 14,446 tons of quotas to 31 companies, 11.4 percent less than the 16,304 tons it allocated to 22 companies in the first half of 2010.
China produces around 97 percent of the rare earth elements in the global market.
The announcement, made on Tuesday, will affect the country's trade relations with the United States, the European Union and Japan and has brought about concerns in Washington.
"We are very concerned about China's export restraints on rare earth materials. We have raised our concerns with China and we are continuing to work closely on the issue with stakeholders," Reuters quoted US Trade Representative spokeswoman as saying.
The Trade Representative's Office has said the US could make a complaint to the World Trade Organization if China resumes the export limitations on rare earth minerals.
China says the cuts are based on environmental policies and that ensuring supplies to Chinese clean energy companies is their priority.
Next month's talks between Chinese President Hu Jintao and his American counterpart Barrack Obama are viewed as a vital event in restoring stability in their trade ties.
Good evening, my fellow Americans: First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunity they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.
Three days from now, after a half century of service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on questions of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation.
My own relations with Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation well rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So my official relationship with Congress ends in a feeling on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country.
Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, such basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among peoples and among nations.
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people.
Any failure traceable to arrogance or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us a grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings.
We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle – with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in the newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research – these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
But each proposal must be weighed in light of a broader consideration; the need to maintain balance in and among national programs – balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages – balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between the actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well in the face of threat and stress. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise.
Of these, I mention two only.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence – economic, political, even spiritual – is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central, it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present – and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present – and is gravely to be regarded.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system – ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we – you and I, and our government – must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without asking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war – as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years – I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
So – in this my last good night to you as your President – I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I – my fellow citizens – need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration:
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.
South Africa's Closing Argument Against Israel for Genocide at the ICJ
Freedom
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